Neo-Nazi. What does it mean?

 

Neonazi not national socialism

Real National Socialists would be enraged at the misconception!

National Socialism did uphold “Pride in Race” but it also expected and respected other races that had pride in theirs.  As much as I hate it when people “on my side” speak of Jews being the problem, and our need to “correct them” by stating it is not the Jews, but the Zionists which they really are speaking of, this misconception of Neo-Nazi resembling anything of National Socialism is just as much a fallacy.  It is not the same thing.  Not in any way.

National Socialists in Hitler’s Germany were proud people.  They strove for perfection.  They dressed well.  They spoke properly.  They had pride in everything they did.  That was the point.  To be a “proud Germanic Race” and whether other races had pride in themselves was up to themselves.  National Socialists were nothing, in any way, like the Neo-Nazi Movements of today.

National Socialists were concerned first and foremost with Germany’s success and expansion, setting an example, and really German influence of Europe and much of abroad (perhaps at best with a couple of ally nations alongside who would ultimately, push comes to shove, have to take a backseat to Berlin’s directives), neo-Nazis — particularly non-German ones — mostly tend to take away a German-centric, German supremacist vision.  As pride in a race goes, touting that yours is superior is merely natural if striving so hard to be as perfect as you can possibly be.

Where it’s now more like “white Europeans” (or white people abroad), who are all “Aryans”, ideally united as one (if only more of them would “awaken” to it). Ostensibly standing together against the impending (or already occurring as a result of Western International War Crimes) Islamic invasion of Europe, and global leftism and liberalism, and global capitalism/banking, and global socialism/communism.

All of which is ultimately controlled of course by “global Zionism” (Claimed Jewish, or  Christian (as in Christian Zionism)); which remains the ultimate enemy.

Real WWII era Nazis cannot truly be called ‘white supremacist’ as such. But rather simply primarily German supremacist.

If they had been a white supremacist, they would not have looked down upon so distinctly (and treated so brutally and poorly — with plans to treat even worse after the war) so many other neighboring (not significantly different in appearance) ‘white’ people of Europe.

— Neo-Nazis, on the other hand, are basically a species of white supremacist and/or white separatist. Most claim to be Hitlerites, or really almost what amounts to “fanboy” types (some are more obsessed with or concerned about actually mimicking the Third Reich than others).

 

Hitler’s 1932 Election Campaign ‘Stump Speech’ How the National Socialists Won Broad Support in Hard-Fought Contests for Votes

 

Hearsay aside,  Platform of the National-Socialist German Workers’ Party — does not exactly represent the truth.  What Hitler joined had a few transformations.

Corporal Adolf Hitler was ordered in September 1919 to investigate a small group in Munich known as the German Workers’ Party.

The use of the term ‘workers’ attracted the attention of the German Army which was now involved in crushing Marxist uprisings.

On September 12th, dressed in civilian clothes, Hitler went to a meeting of the German Workers’ Party in the back room of a Munich beer hall, with about twenty-five people. He listened to a speech on economics by Gottfried Feder entitled, “How and by what means is capitalism to be eliminated?”

After the speech, Hitler began to leave when a man rose up and spoke in favor of the German state of Bavaria breaking away from Germany and forming a new South German nation with Austria.

This enraged Hitler and he spoke out forcefully against the man for the next fifteen minutes uninterrupted, to the astonishment of everyone. One of the founders of the German Workers’ Party, Anton Drexler, reportedly whispered: “He’s got the gift of the gab. We could use him.”

After Hitler’s outburst ended, Drexler hurried over to Hitler and gave him a forty-page pamphlet entitled: “My Political Awakening.” He urged Hitler to read it and also invited Hitler to come back again.

In Mein Kampf, Hitler describes the condition of the party: “aside from a few directives, there was nothing, no program, no leaflet, no printed matter at all, no membership cards, not even a miserable rubber stamp…”

Although unimpressed by the present condition of the German Workers’ Party, Hitler was drawn to the sentiment expressed by Drexler that this would somehow become a movement not just a political party. And in this disorganized party, Hitler saw opportunity.

“This absurd little organization with its few members seemed to me to possess the one advantage that it had not frozen into an ‘organization,’ but left the individual opportunity for real personal activity. Here it was still possible to work, and the smaller the movement, the more readily it could be put into the proper form. Here, the content, the goal, and the road could still be determined…”

He spent two days thinking it over then decided.

“I finally came to the conviction that I had to take this step…It was the most decisive resolve of my life. From here there was and could be no turning back.”

Adolf Hitler joined the committee of the German Workers’ Party (Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or DAP) and thus entered politics.

 

Mein Kampf was simply a statement of one Man

Until the late 1920s, the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP, better known to history as the Nazis) was a minor political party, one of several nationalist groups on the fringe of Weimar politics. It emerged from humble beginnings, beginning in January 1919 as a tiny Bavarian group called the German Workers’ Party (DAP, short for Deutsche Arbeitpartei). The party’s founding members were unremarkable characters. Anton Drexler was a factory worker and aspiring poet who had supported German involvement in World War I. Gottfried Feder was an economist with a grudge against greedy bankers. Karl Harrer and Dietrich Eckart were insignificant figures, both previously involved in writing and publishing political pamphlets containing nationalist ideas.

Together they coddled together a few dozen followers and met sporadically through 1919, where they cursed the SPD government, foreign powers, and Zionists.

In July 1921 Drexler stood down as party chairman, allowing Hitler to fill this role. Two months later Hitler scrapped the NSDAP’s council and declared himself the party’s Fuhrer (absolute leader). Two years after joining the DAP, Hitler was now solely responsible for policy and decision-making. He ordered the formation of a paramilitary branch, the Sturmabteilung (the SA, later known as the ‘Brownshirts’) to deal with political opponents. He also formed the Hitler-Jugend (Hitler Youth) to attract young people to the party, acquired a newspaper and adopted the swastika (a common motif) as the party’s emblem. By the end of 1921, the NSDAP had several thousand members, a considerable improvement on the few dozens of late 1919.

 

Any resemblance to the previous ideas of 1920 and before 1921 should be dismissed as old doctrine.

 

The NSDAP grew slowly through 1921-22. It was popular with ex-soldiers, who identified with the decorated war veteran Hitler, sympathizing with his passionate nationalism and his attacks on the Weimar government. Small businessmen and unemployed workers, in search of answers to their own miseries, also joined the group. Hitler’s rousing speeches delivered convenient scapegoats for Germany’s problems: the ‘November criminals’ who signed the armistice, the liberals and socialists who signed the hated Treaty of Versailles, the communists who threatened revolution in Germany, the Jewish bankers and conspirators who plotted to undermine and destroy the German state. Well oiled by free beer supplied at NSDAP meetings and rallies, Hitler’s audiences lapped up these conspiracy theories, hanging on the fuhrer’s every word and applauding his calls for the overthrow of the Weimar government.

Yet for all their popularity in and around Munich, Hitler and the NSDAP were very much a regional phenomenon. Their supporter base was mostly in Bavaria; they were hardly known in northern, western or central Germany or in the capital. This would change after Hitler’s failed attempt to overthrow the Bavarian provincial government (November 1923), which thrust the NSDAP leader into the national spotlight. Hitler’s treason trial and his political diatribe in the courtroom received significant coverage and helped increase the party’s national profile.

On his release from prison in 1924, Hitler pledged to transform the NSDAP from a revolutionary movement into a legitimate parliamentary party – not to participate in democracy but to infiltrate it and destroy it from within. Nevertheless, for much of the 1920s, the NSDAP remained a largely insignificant party holding just a handful of Reichstag seats. Hitler’s extremist rhetoric won him some supporters but alienated a much larger section of the German electorate. It would take the economic catastrophe of the Great Depression to boost the NSDAP’s popularity and electoral fortunes.

 

So now we have the Great Depression!  The Entire World at its knees.

 

To deal with the massive unemployment and economic paralysis of the Great Depression, both the US and German governments launched innovative and ambitious programs. Although President Franklin Roosevelt’s “New Deal” measures helped only marginally, the Third Reich’s much more focused and comprehensive policies proved remarkably effective. Within three years unemployment was banished and Germany’s economy was flourishing. And while Roosevelt’s record in dealing with the Depression is pretty well known, the remarkable story of how Hitler tackled the crisis is not widely understood or appreciated.

Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany on January 30, 1933. A few weeks later, on March 4, Franklin Roosevelt took office as President of the United States. Each man remained his country’s chief executive for the next twelve years — until April 1945, shortly before the end of World War II in Europe. In early 1933 industrial production in each country had fallen to about half of what it had been in 1929. Each leader quickly launched bold new initiatives to tackle the terrible economic crisis, above all the scourge of mass unemployment. And although there are some striking similarities between the efforts of the two governments, the results were very different.

One of the most influential and widely read American economists of the twentieth century was John Kenneth Galbraith. He was an advisor to several presidents, and for a time served as US ambassador to India. He was the author of several dozen books, and for years taught economics at Harvard University. With regard to Germany’s record, Galbraith wrote: “… The elimination of unemployment in Germany during the Great Depression without inflation — and with initial reliance on essential civilian activities — was a signal accomplishment. It has rarely been praised and not much remarked. The notion that Hitler could do no good extends to his economics as it does, more plausibly, to all else.”

Read more on this here

 

Even before the year 1933 had ended, Hitler had succeeded in building 202,119 housing units. Within four years he would provide the German people with nearly a million and a half (1,458,128) new dwellings!

Moreover, workers would no longer be exploited as they had been. A month’s rent for a worker could not exceed 26 marks, or about an eighth of the average wage then. Employees with more substantial salaries paid monthly rents of up to 45 marks maximum.

Equally effective social measures were taken in behalf of farmers, who had the lowest incomes. In 1933 alone 17,611 new farmhouses were built, each of them surrounded by a parcel of land one thousand square meters in size. Within three years, Hitler would build 91,000 such farmhouses. The rental for such dwellings could not legally exceed a modest share of the farmer’s income. This unprecedented acquisition of land and housing was only one feature of a revolution that soon dramatically improved the living standards of the Reich’s rural population.

The great work of national construction rolled along. An additional 100,000 workers quickly found employment in repairing the nation’s secondary roads. Many more were hired to work on canals, dams, drainage and irrigation projects, helping to make fertile some of nation’s most barren regions.

Everywhere industry was hiring again, with some firms — like Krupp, IG Farben, and the large automobile manufacturers — taking on new workers on a very large scale. As the country became more prosperous, car sales increased by more than 80,000 units in 1933 alone. Employment in the auto industry doubled. Germany was gearing up for full production, with private industry leading the way.

The new government lavished every assistance on the private sector, the chief factor in employment as well as production. Hitler almost immediately made available 500 million marks in credits to private business.

This start-up assistance given to German industry would repay itself many times over. Soon enough, another two billion marks would be loaned to the most enterprising companies. Nearly half would go into new wages and salaries, saving the treasury an estimated three hundred million marks in unemployment benefits. Added to the hundreds of millions in tax receipts spurred by the business recovery, the state quickly recovered its investment and more.

 

This is what made National Socialism Popular.

Not hatred or negativity of any kind

Take out “Germany for Germans” and you still have National Socialism

 

Yet you do NOT have Neo-Nazis!

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